«Il n‘y a pas un monde développé et un monde sous-développé, mais un seul monde mal développé»
Since independence in 1960, political life in Madagascar has been disrupted by several attempted coups. On 17 March 2009, the then mayor of the capital, Andry Rajoelina (1974), took power by force, plunging the country into an endless political crisis. Although the African Union tried to find a consensual and inclusive political agreement to end the crisis, a transitional regime, strongly dominated by the coup leaders and their allies, was established in 2010.
The period that followed was marked by chaotic management of the country. Corruption, insecurity, intimidation and poverty are the daily lot of the Malagasy. There is large-scale looting of public property and natural resources and this despite repeated calls from international bodies, including the ACP-EU Parliamentary Assembly1, to protect natural resources from misuse.
Repression in southern Madagascar
Southern Madagascar consists of five administrative regions: Androy (476,000 inhabitants – main town: Ambovombé), Anosy (544,000 inhabitants – main town: Taolagnaro), Ihorombe (190,000 inhabitants – main town: Ihosy), Atsimo-Atsinanana (621,000 inhabitants – main town: Farafangana) and Atsimo-Andrefana (1,100,000 inhabitants – main town: Toliara). The population density is below the national average and more than 70% live in rural areas. Zebus are raised as a sign of wealth and prestige and are used during traditional ceremonies. Poverty affects children more severely in southern Madagascar, where over 65% of them are in a situation of extreme poverty.2 These children are deprived of their basic rights such as food, health, education, housing and security.
Since June 2012, the south of Madagascar, mainly the population of the Androy and Anosy regions, has been repeatedly targeted by police and armed militia. Indeed, under the official pretext of fighting against the custom of dahalo3, law enforcement and security forces conduct military operations using heavy weapons (assault rifles, rocket launchers etc.) and helicopters. In addition, a special force, with substantial manpower and material, has been specially created to carry out an operation named “Tandroka” (zebu horns) whose stated goal is to capture Remenabila, the dahalo chief. Colonel Rene Lylison, head of Rajoelina’s political police, has been put in charge.
During three “Tandroka” operations from September 2012 to April 2013, the security forces committed massacres in the Amboasary-South region, causing hundreds of casualties, including women and children killed by bullets. Suspected dahalo were summarily executed4. Young people, including minors, were accused of being thieves and were mutilated or tortured to death with the encouragement of the police. The police burned down twenty villages5. Following these operations, more than 3,000 people, completely terrified, fled either to the major towns or to the forest. Most of them are totally destitute – homeless and without food.
Despite these operations and the resources mobilized, the alleged leader of the “dahalo”, the famous Remenabila (of whose existence there is no proof ), is still elusive.
Areas rich in natural resources
Communities affected by these massacres are located in areas where there are much-coveted and exceptionally rich subsoil resources. In fact, this part of the country has considerable potential. In addition to cattle raising, mineral resources are significant and varied: they include industrial minerals (uranium, mercury, rare earths, mica, coal, ilmenite), precious and semi-precious stones (sapphire, emerald, rock crystal…), gold and also very high quality diamands. There is also oil. According to the testimonies of some local leaders, certain political and economic lobbies would like “to ‘get rid of’ a good part of the South’s population to facilitate the exploitation of the land and subsoil resources in this part of Island”.6 Given the people’s attachment to the ancestral lands that constitute their environment, it is obvious they will not give up easily unless they are up against very large-scale violent attacks. We are thus witnessing forced displacement and land confiscation. Land thus grabbed from its traditional owners is then often granted to transnational corporations (TNCs) for mining or agribusiness with the complicity of the national authorities.
Indeed, the current leaders have increased land grants and contracts with large TNCs and with other states, thus leading to large scale land-grabbing. This is forbidden during the transition period under the covenants contained in the Roadmap signed by A. Rajoelina and his entourage.7
Historically, the Malagasy land system has been based on two principles: first, land belongs to the person who farms it and, second, the right to land is established and recognized by the public authorities. Law 2005-19, adopted in 2005 under the presidency of Marc Ravalomanana, reformed land laws by abolishing the presumption of state ownership in force since the colonial era, a principle which had had the effect of excluding customary rights or other land control. In other words, now the state is no longer the presumed owner of unregistered land. The law recognizes that attested long-standing occupation of land is a presumption of ownership and entrusts the allocation and management of land titles to local authorities.
Problems with active TNCs in Madagascar
In Madagascar, the exploitation of natural resources is generally carried out by TNCs. The problems caused by TNCs operating in this country8 can be summarized as follows: disrespect of the law and corruption, lack of consultation with the populations concerned and the deprivation of their livelihoods; hence wide spread human rights violations.
As already pointed out, most of the recently installed TNCs in Madagascar obtained their operating licenses either from the coup leaders or those in power during the transition period. Therefore, they have no legal base nor legitimacy to operate in this country. Moreover, these licenses have been obtained through extensive corruption of these political leaders.9
Besides the lack of consultation of the affected populations regarding mining development projects, pollution of farmers’ and live stock raisers’ living environment deprives them of their means of subsistence. In a country where more than one third of the population is already suffering from food insecurity (68% in the south), deforestation continues at a breathtaking pace.10 Environmental degradation has become a major issue.
Conclusion
In view of the foregoing, we request that:
